This study seeks to find the opinion that holds true for the eastern coastal region of China among the Keynes’s hypothesis and Wagner's law by analyzing the causal relationship between fiscal expenditure and economic growth. According to the classification of China's eight major economic zones, it was conducted for Jiangsu and Zhejiang provinces in the eastern coastal region, and panel data were constructed and used based on the data provided by the Chinese Urban Statistical Yearbook from 2008 to 2018. Jiangsu Province and Zhejiang Province were selected as the subject of this study because they are major cities in the Yangtze River Delta region integrated development plan, and it is necessary to understand the causal relationship between fiscal expenditure and economic growth. As a result of the panel Granger causality analysis, the Keynes’s hypothesis that fiscal spending affects economic growth was established. As a result of analysis with a fixed effect model based on the Keynes’s hypothesis, it was found that an increase in fiscal spending has a positive effect on economic growth. These results can be interpreted that the stable economic growth through President Xi Jinping's dual circulation strategy will work correctly in the eastern coastal region.

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“Ideological and moral” education is the policy of Chinese education in the new century, and the compilation and improvement of ideological and moral textbooks is an important basic work. [Method/Process] This study used CNKI advanced search, K-means clustering algorithm, Cite Space, Gephi network graph and other methods to conduct a comprehensive analysis of the journal literature on the topic of Chinese ideological and moral textbooks in the past two decades. The research includes publication trends, distribution of institutions and journals, collaboration networks, The developmental stage of research and hot topics, etc. The results show that the study of ideological and moral textbooks has experienced four stages of development. The research topics can be divided into textbook content research, textbook compilation and revision, textbook application and investigation, textbook development and reform, textbook comparative analysis, textbook historical evolution, and textbook basic theory research, etc. Based on the current research status of ideological and moral textbooks, the future research on this topic should further deepen the theory and improve the basic theoretical research of ideological and moral textbooks. Secondly, enrich the research methods and enhance the scientific nature of ideological and moral textbook research; Furthermore, expand the research horizon and enhance the humanistic concern of ideological and moral textbook research.

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To study the allocation efficiency of higher education resources in China is of great significance to further promote the balanced development of higher education and to build an educational power. In this paper, besed on human capital theory and DEA theory， DEA-Malmquist index is used to calculate the resource allocation efficiency of China’s higher education, revealing the overall situation of China's higher education resource allocation efficiency, and using the Exploratory spatial data Analysis model (ESDA) to analyze the specific spatial characteristics of higher education resource allocation efficiency in each province. Tobit regression model is used to analyze the impact of educational equity on the allocation efficiency of higher education resources in China. The results show that, first, educational equity has a positive impact on higher education resource allocation efficiency, and there is significant regional heterogeneity. Second, higher education resource allocation efficiency has significant spatial spillover effect. Finally, the paper puts forward some strategies for improving the allocation efficiency of Higher education in China. The research was helpful to open the “black box” in which educational equity affects the allocation efficiency of higher resources, and has certain reference significance for improving the allocation efficiency of higher education resources.

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This paper examines how economic and cultural factors affect the increase and decrease of Chinese students in the future, and what countermeasures are necessary. The results showed that main purpose of studying in Korea for Chinese students was to get a job. In particular, the intention to work for a Korean company in China was higher than that for a job in Korea both before and after studying abroad. However, the perception of future expansion of Korean companies' investment in China was lower after studying abroad than before. It can be said that the economic incentive for Chinese international students to decide to study in Korea is gradually weakening. In addition, Chinese students' perception of Korea is changing positively through cultural factors while studying abroad. However, in the prospect of expanding cultural exchanges between Korea and China in the future, after studying abroad was lower than before studying abroad. It can be seen that China's restrictions on Korean culture and distorted perceptions of Korean culture have a negative impact. In order to attract Chinese students in the future, the Korean government and universities will have to work together. First of all, it will be necessary to actively promote to China that the COVID-19 situation has improved considerably. Second, considering that an economic factor is the biggest factor of studying abroad in Korea, it is necessary to actively provide information related to the employment or internship of Chinese international students. Third, the two governments of Korea and China should make joint efforts to expand pop culture exchanges. Fourth, it is necessary to review the existing policies for Chinese international students in preparation for attracting Chinese international students. Finally, Korean universities should not only increase the number of Chinese students in quantity but also seek ways to attract excellent Chinese students.

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The endogenous expansion of rural capital demand and the mutual game between rural formal finance and private finance in China have combined to give rise to rural private finance. It is a typical product of institutional changes in the process of marketization in China and belongs to a transitional financial system, which is related to the urban-rural dual economic structure and even the financial dual structure, reflecting the imperfection and imperfection of the financial market. Rural private finance has special advantages in information screening, information supervision and contract execution, but the benefit-seeking feature of this kind finance becomes more obvious. Besides, the current rural financial legal system does not well coordinate with this finance. The mismatch includes the imbalance between the demand and supply of relevant legal regulation as well as the natural conflict between formal financial mechanism, legal system and the endogenous rules in rural society. It is extremely vulnerable to the moral hazard. The moral hazard of rural private finance comes down to the moral uncertainty of financial subjects. This uncertainty may bring losses and damages to other interest subjects which is caused by one side of interest subjects attempting to maximize benefit while neglecting moral obligation and moral responsibility. On a practical level, among moral hazards of rural private finance, speculative and pure moral hazards are the most typical and representative. In the view of information economics, the generation mechanism of these moral hazards stems from the asymmetrical distribution of information between financial subjects, such as between borrowers and lenders, the owners and operators of rural private financial institution, intermediaries and borrowers and lenders, financial supervision authorities and supervisees, etc. Based on this, the guiding concept of legal governance is to guarantee the sound qualification and disciplined behavior of financial subjects, stabilize financial and economic order and promote economic and social equity. It focuses on constructing impeccable competitive structure of rural credit market in which diversified subjects coexist, encouraging the rural financial organization to build the rational and reasonable internal governance and straightening out the right-duty relation between borrowers and lenders. It also focuses on setting up the power and obligations of public authorities in rural private financial market and motivating the financial innovation. On the specific route selection, it is required to establish efficient incentive and restrictive mechanism for managers of rural private financial institutions, delimit the level and boundary of information disclosure, and scientifically position the appropriate supervision of rural private financial market.

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The 4th industrial revolution and COVID-19 accelerated the spread of untact meeting and digitization in all the fields of society, accordingly, small sellers' dependence on online distribution also increased rapidly. Although the platform companies such as Kakao, Naver, Coupang, and other delivery apps make our lives to be more convenient, on the other hand, they are a major cause of various unfairness using their monopoly position and the harmful effects of monopoly. This phenomenon has not been limited to Korea, but has been observed commonly all over the world, and each government is seeking the development of legal solutions to the issue of monopoly on online platform. In particular, 2020 is a year when online platform companies showed remarkable strides during COVID-19 crisis, while the issue of monopoly of such companies has been raised and movements to correct it have spread in many countries. In Korea, when the unfair trade practices of online platform companies became controversial, the government sought a policy for digital fair economy and, in January 2021, pre-announced the legislation of an Act on Online Platform Fairness. However, the Act on Online Platform Fairness has not yet been passed due to the disagreement between the positions of protecting small businesses and of regulating platform. However, the Act on Online Platform Fairness has not yet been passed due to the disagreement between the positions of protecting small businesses and of regulating platform. If a plan for coexistence between platform operators and small business owners appropriate for the environment of expanding the online platform market is not established in the near future, not only will small business owners be forced out of competition by giant platform operators, but there is also concern that there will be no means to prevent the abuse of authority and unfair trade by platform operators in the future. Considering this, legislative measures by China government, including rationalization of legal system on the fairness of online platforms, suggest many points. Recently, the Chinese government has announced several measures to regulate monopoly and unfair competition in the online platform industry in China, and is in the process of systematizing related laws. Other majour countries are also pursuing these measures. Although the discussions on the direction of online platform regulation will continue in the future, global efforts to protect fair trade within the digital economy will also continue. Accordingly, the purpose of this study was, for the provision of basic data to the development of small business protection policy, to identify the main contents and issues of legislations on online platform fairness of China, a country that has shifted, ahead of us, from fostering to regulating online platform industry and to draw timely implications.

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In this paper, we reflect and evaluate 30 years of S&T collaboration between Korea and China. Also, we analyze various evolving factors that have framed the bilateral collaboration applying bibliometric analysis skills on data retrieved from the Web of Science. By synthesizing the historical and empirical analyses with relevant theoretical discussions, we suggest new strategic approaches that the Korean government should consider in the future S&T collaboration with China. Although Korea-China diplomatic normalization in 1992 has facilitated bilateral collaborative projects in various S&T fields, however, not many of them were sustained to achieve fruitful results. Meanwhile, Korea has suffered from decreasing bargaining power which was possibly resulted from her heavier reliance on China than vice versa. Furthermore, two countries’ high degree of similarity in S&T research portfolio has increased competitive and substitutive pressure on each side. On the other hand, China, partially contained by the US in access to state-of-the-art technologies, might more tend to consider alternative technology strategies maximizing the utilization of available technologies and pursue disruptive and even frugal innovations. Thus, Korea should take into account those Chinese characteristic factors in designing the future collaboration strategy. Furthermore, we argue that non-S&T fields should not be neglected even in pursuit of S&T innovation and building competitive advantage over China.

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Looking back on the 30 years of relations between ROK and PRC, two factors that played an important role in the stability and development of bilateral relations were the economic interests through trade and the common goal of pursuing stability, peace and denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. However, as the industrial structure of South Korea and China has shifted competitively, how the two countries will coordinate their perceptions of North Korea and pursue cooperative policies toward North Korea has become more important as a key factor in maintaining stability in Seoul-Beijing relations in the future. In order to analyze why the two countries' perceptions and policies on North Korea were inconsistent and how they could compromise again after the establishment of diplomatic relations between ROK and PRC, this paper introduced the concept that national interests can also be changed according to changes in domestic and foreign situations. According to the results reviewed by this paper, diplomatic relations between ROK and PRC were established as a result of China's change in perception of North Korea and policy adjustment. However, through the ROKS Cheonan sinking and the bombardment of Yeonpyeong, South Korea and China confirmed that the gap in their perception of North Korea cannot be narrowed despite the development of bilateral relations. Nevertheless, the Lee Myung-bak government did not recognize the two incidents as a core threat to South Korea's security, and did not give up expectations of economic benefits from trade with China and China's influence on North Korea. As a result, ROK-PRC relations were able to recover quickly and China maintained its “An buk gyeong nam” strategy, that is expanding economic exchanges with South Korea while supporting North Korea in a security manner. On the contrary, North Korea's fourth nuclear test was a critical event for South Korea and China to destroy their mutual dreams. The Park Geun-hye government recognized the North Korean nuclear test as a key threat to its security and pursued security measures such as the deployment of THAAD, and China retaliated. The Moon Jae-in government chose to improve relations with China to establish a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula, and China was able to strengthen its “An buk gyeong nam” strategy. However, the gap between South Korea and China's perception of North Korea has widened. Considering the current situation, it is virtually difficult for South Korea and China to narrow the gap in perception of North Korea and promote cooperative North Korea policies. Therefore, South Korea should reduce expectations for China's influence on North Korea and focus on practical issues in the ROK-PRC relations. Meanwhile, China should acknowledge that the North Korean nuclear issue is a key security threat to South Korea and accept the steps Seoul is pushing to ensure its security interests.

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The paper explores the impact North Korea as a factor on the ebb and flow of South Korea-China relations during the past thirty years since the normalization of the relationship in 1992. Aside from its respective domestic politico-social factors, North Korea as one of the outside factors affects the development of the bilateral relationship of the South and China. The North apparently needs to survive against any negative spinoffs possibly engendering from close relationship of the two and compelled to intervene to distance the two for its own interests. The power structure of the relationships of the states in the Northeast Asia dictates that each country’s external relations must be looked at in a triangular relations for its respective bilateral alliance relationship. South Korea and China are subject to this demand for its alliance with the United States and the North, respectively. The paper hopes to offer a base that will facilitate the predictability of North Korea’s behavior in the relationship between the South and China.

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