The 4th industrial revolution and COVID-19 accelerated the spread of untact meeting and digitization in all the fields of society, accordingly, small sellers' dependence on online distribution also increased rapidly. Although the platform companies such as Kakao, Naver, Coupang, and other delivery apps make our lives to be more convenient, on the other hand, they are a major cause of various unfairness using their monopoly position and the harmful effects of monopoly. This phenomenon has not been limited to Korea, but has been observed commonly all over the world, and each government is seeking the development of legal solutions to the issue of monopoly on online platform. In particular, 2020 is a year when online platform companies showed remarkable strides during COVID-19 crisis, while the issue of monopoly of such companies has been raised and movements to correct it have spread in many countries. In Korea, when the unfair trade practices of online platform companies became controversial, the government sought a policy for digital fair economy and, in January 2021, pre-announced the legislation of an Act on Online Platform Fairness. However, the Act on Online Platform Fairness has not yet been passed due to the disagreement between the positions of protecting small businesses and of regulating platform. However, the Act on Online Platform Fairness has not yet been passed due to the disagreement between the positions of protecting small businesses and of regulating platform. If a plan for coexistence between platform operators and small business owners appropriate for the environment of expanding the online platform market is not established in the near future, not only will small business owners be forced out of competition by giant platform operators, but there is also concern that there will be no means to prevent the abuse of authority and unfair trade by platform operators in the future. Considering this, legislative measures by China government, including rationalization of legal system on the fairness of online platforms, suggest many points. Recently, the Chinese government has announced several measures to regulate monopoly and unfair competition in the online platform industry in China, and is in the process of systematizing related laws. Other majour countries are also pursuing these measures. Although the discussions on the direction of online platform regulation will continue in the future, global efforts to protect fair trade within the digital economy will also continue. Accordingly, the purpose of this study was, for the provision of basic data to the development of small business protection policy, to identify the main contents and issues of legislations on online platform fairness of China, a country that has shifted, ahead of us, from fostering to regulating online platform industry and to draw timely implications.

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In this paper, we reflect and evaluate 30 years of S&T collaboration between Korea and China. Also, we analyze various evolving factors that have framed the bilateral collaboration applying bibliometric analysis skills on data retrieved from the Web of Science. By synthesizing the historical and empirical analyses with relevant theoretical discussions, we suggest new strategic approaches that the Korean government should consider in the future S&T collaboration with China. Although Korea-China diplomatic normalization in 1992 has facilitated bilateral collaborative projects in various S&T fields, however, not many of them were sustained to achieve fruitful results. Meanwhile, Korea has suffered from decreasing bargaining power which was possibly resulted from her heavier reliance on China than vice versa. Furthermore, two countries’ high degree of similarity in S&T research portfolio has increased competitive and substitutive pressure on each side. On the other hand, China, partially contained by the US in access to state-of-the-art technologies, might more tend to consider alternative technology strategies maximizing the utilization of available technologies and pursue disruptive and even frugal innovations. Thus, Korea should take into account those Chinese characteristic factors in designing the future collaboration strategy. Furthermore, we argue that non-S&T fields should not be neglected even in pursuit of S&T innovation and building competitive advantage over China.

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Looking back on the 30 years of relations between ROK and PRC, two factors that played an important role in the stability and development of bilateral relations were the economic interests through trade and the common goal of pursuing stability, peace and denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. However, as the industrial structure of South Korea and China has shifted competitively, how the two countries will coordinate their perceptions of North Korea and pursue cooperative policies toward North Korea has become more important as a key factor in maintaining stability in Seoul-Beijing relations in the future. In order to analyze why the two countries' perceptions and policies on North Korea were inconsistent and how they could compromise again after the establishment of diplomatic relations between ROK and PRC, this paper introduced the concept that national interests can also be changed according to changes in domestic and foreign situations. According to the results reviewed by this paper, diplomatic relations between ROK and PRC were established as a result of China's change in perception of North Korea and policy adjustment. However, through the ROKS Cheonan sinking and the bombardment of Yeonpyeong, South Korea and China confirmed that the gap in their perception of North Korea cannot be narrowed despite the development of bilateral relations. Nevertheless, the Lee Myung-bak government did not recognize the two incidents as a core threat to South Korea's security, and did not give up expectations of economic benefits from trade with China and China's influence on North Korea. As a result, ROK-PRC relations were able to recover quickly and China maintained its “An buk gyeong nam” strategy, that is expanding economic exchanges with South Korea while supporting North Korea in a security manner. On the contrary, North Korea's fourth nuclear test was a critical event for South Korea and China to destroy their mutual dreams. The Park Geun-hye government recognized the North Korean nuclear test as a key threat to its security and pursued security measures such as the deployment of THAAD, and China retaliated. The Moon Jae-in government chose to improve relations with China to establish a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula, and China was able to strengthen its “An buk gyeong nam” strategy. However, the gap between South Korea and China's perception of North Korea has widened. Considering the current situation, it is virtually difficult for South Korea and China to narrow the gap in perception of North Korea and promote cooperative North Korea policies. Therefore, South Korea should reduce expectations for China's influence on North Korea and focus on practical issues in the ROK-PRC relations. Meanwhile, China should acknowledge that the North Korean nuclear issue is a key security threat to South Korea and accept the steps Seoul is pushing to ensure its security interests.

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The paper explores the impact North Korea as a factor on the ebb and flow of South Korea-China relations during the past thirty years since the normalization of the relationship in 1992. Aside from its respective domestic politico-social factors, North Korea as one of the outside factors affects the development of the bilateral relationship of the South and China. The North apparently needs to survive against any negative spinoffs possibly engendering from close relationship of the two and compelled to intervene to distance the two for its own interests. The power structure of the relationships of the states in the Northeast Asia dictates that each country’s external relations must be looked at in a triangular relations for its respective bilateral alliance relationship. South Korea and China are subject to this demand for its alliance with the United States and the North, respectively. The paper hopes to offer a base that will facilitate the predictability of North Korea’s behavior in the relationship between the South and China.

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With the rapid development of internet-related industry including platform companies in China, a lack of legislation from the existing ‘the Data Security Law’ and ‘the Network Security Law’ has led to increase the information infringement. Given this situation, the Personal Information Protection Law has been passed to complement the existing law, which is assessed for the start of “Personal Information protection Law 2.0” era. The law was approved in 2021 and was characterized by the enhancement of regulation regarding to the internet platform providers, such as big-tech companies. It includes strict regulations, which is similar to General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) in Europe. With the enforcement of ‘Personal Information Protection Law’ in 2021, China has enhanced the legal basis of the cyber security and built the foundation of diplomatic means. With these changes, it is expected that China would increase state control over data-related issues. Comparing to other countries, the China’s law is characterized by weakening the role of public institutions and strengthening the control of the central government. Importantly, the law would protect not only the information subjects, but also political considerations, national security, economic policy, and information technology (IT) industrial policy.

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Japan discharged Fukushima contaminated water into the sea, which will seriously threaten marine ecological safety and human life and health. In the face of pressure from all sides, Japan has set a buffer period for the discharge to prevent damage to its reputation, and invited the International Atomic Energy Agency and other regulatory authorities to inspect and monitor it. However, whether the existing international judicial mechanism can serve as an effective tool to curb and punish such an irresponsible decision of the Japanese government and prevent its subsequent actions needs to be evaluated in the light of the existing principles and obligations of international law, relevant treaty norms, state responsibility system, and dispute settlement mechanism, and other substantive and procedural issues, as well as international judicial practice. The purpose of this paper is to explore the feasibility of various judicial remedies in dealing with the Japanese nuclear effluent discharge incident from the perspective of judicial settlement and to predict the outcome of the judgment, as a basis for trying to propose the most effective way to deal with the incident. Japan's nuclear effluent discharge threatens global public safety, and its solution must rely on international cooperation. As neighbors of Japan, China and South Korea have been active and clear in opposing the issue of nuclear effluent discharge, and both countries have taken measures in political, diplomatic, legal and public opinion aspects. On the 30th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and South Korea, the two countries have a common goal and willingness to cooperate on the issue of Fukushima nuclear sewage discharge, and there is extensive room for cooperation in evidence collection, negotiation, supervision, judicial proceedings and other aspects. The exchange and cooperation between the two countries can lead the neighboring countries to deal with the impact and harm caused by the nuclear effluent, and promote and lead the initiatives of the global countries and related institutions to protect the rights, complaints and compensation, which are all of great significance to the marine environmental protection and the construction of the community of human destiny.

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The development of human society depends on the development of productive forces, and labor force is the most active factor in productive forces. Education is the prerequisite for productivity reproduction and one of the important bases for human capital accumulation. Entering the 21st century, the economic development of education requirements is also increasingly high. In the past 40 years of reform and opening up, China's education has developed rapidly, but there are still many problems to be solved. Among them, the unequal phenomenon of educational development has attracted the attention of various academic circles for many times. The great differences in educational development between regions and urban and rural areas are not conducive to the fairness of education and hinder the efficiency of education. To study the development trend of regional educational inequality since China's reform and opening up and explore the countermeasures in the future, this paper takes the statistical data of China from 1997 to 2019 as the basis and uses the Gini coefficient of education as the measurement index for analysis. The fixed effect model of panel data is used to make an empirical study on the status quo of educational inequality and its influencing factors in China. The results are as follows: First, at the national level, educational inequality shows a slowing trend, but from the regional point of view, the educational inequality gap between the eastern and central regions is narrowing, while the educational gap between the western, eastern, and central regions is expanding. Second, the expansion of education in China is conducive to the improvement of education equality, and the country should invest more education expenditure in the central and western regions and remote areas.

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Purpose: In the post-COVID-19 era, the healthcare delivery field is undergoing a huge revolution. Telemedicine is a non-contact service model, that meets the medical care needs of consumers practically, efficiently, conveniently and safely. In order to further increase consumers' willingness to use telemedicine services. It is necessary to analyze the factors that influence consumers' attitudes toward telemedicine use through empirical research and give suggestions for the direction of continued development of telemedicine. Research design, data, and methodology: Consumers who had used telemedicine services were surveyed in this study. SPSS26.0 and AMOS26.0 were used to analyze the reliability and validity, correlation, path, mediation and moderation of 292 consumer data. Results: The results of this study show that, first, the usefulness, efficiency and security of telemedicine service characteristics have a positive impact on consumer satisfaction. Second, the usefulness and efficiency of telemedicine service characteristics have a positive impact on consumers' willingness to use. However, the effect of security on willingness to use is not significant. Thirdly, consumer satisfaction has a significant mediating effect on the usefulness, efficiency, safety and consumers' willingness to use telemedicine services. Fourth, online word of mouth of doctors has no significant moderating effect on consumers' satisfaction and willingness to use telemedicine service.

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This study compares the happiness levels of ASEAN countries using the happiness function. The happiness function includes three things: feeling of happiness, satisfaction with life, and state of health(subjective). This study uses data from Wave6(2010-2014) and Wave7 (2017-2022) of WVS. According to the analysis result of the happiness function, the Easterlin paradox exists even among ASEAN countries. In other words, a high level of income and economic development does not necessarily mean a high level of happiness. According to the analysis results, Vietnam, Indonesia, and the Philippines have the highest happiness levels, while Singapore, Malaysia and Thailand have relatively low happiness levels. According to GDP per capita and HDI, Singapore, Malaysia and Thailand are relatively higher than Vietnam, Indonesia and the Philippines. However, according to the happiness function, the opposite is true. And when comparing the Wave6 and Wave7 periods, it was also found that the happiness level of Vietnam, Indonesia, and the Philippines was higher than that of Wave6 in the Wave7 period. This makes the Easterlin paradox more convincing.

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